The current president is getting closer to fascism, not even the man behind Watergate.
When President Richard Nixon decided in late October 1973 to expel the Attorney General and replace him with someone who would dismiss the special prosecutor who was persecuting him, he went through the chain of command until he reached the third person in the line. , the Attorney General. general. , who wrote We are back with another president who wants to get rid of an investigation by a special advocate who threatens his presidency.
But instead of following the usual order, as Nixon did, President Trump chose as interim Attorney General a lackey who had been elected Chief of Staff of the Attorney General because of his televised appearances on television as a simple citizen in which he was reputed the position of the president in the investigation of the special advocate on the role of Russia in the elections of 2016. Among other things, he had barred the obsessive line of Mr. Trump, "He n ' there was no collusion ". It has been widely accepted that this man would terminate, one way or another, the investigation of the special advocate.
If, as some jurists contend, the election of Mr. Trump was unconstitutional, because the new Acting Attorney General was never confirmed by the Senate, or simply reckless, his election being obviously selfish, the differences in the way whose two presidents have come closer to getting rid of a disadvantage. Prosecutors are informed by their different origins.
Nixon, a member of the House of Representatives, senator and vice-president, was more receptive to the political order. Mr. Trump, with no government experience and little knowledge of how the federal government operates, has shown a free spirit, albeit malicious, less likely than Nixon even to look at the borders.
As president, Nixon tried to subjugate the constitutional and political systems to his will. He intervened in the process of the Democratic Party to elect his future opponent. And he challenged the separation of powers, unleashing the constitutional crisis that was the Watergate. But to the extent that Nixon went to fascism, Mr. Trump went further.
That's not to say that Nixon was a love or a gentleman in his efforts to save himself. But its origin as a creature of the establishment has inhibited its actions.
A systematic and critical difference between the situation of Nixon and Trump is that Nixon faced a Democratic Congress, while Trump enjoyed a control totally controlled by the Republicans. (This changes when the Democrats take control of the House in January). Under Trump, there was more and more reluctance to let leading figures testify before the congressional committees of what was under Nixon.
Each president tried to arouse public impatience at his perception of the persecution and therefore urged the investigators to hurry, but Trump gives Nixon the appearance of a kitten.
Nixon officials were inclined to say things like, "Enough to wallow in Watergate," when, say, in early August, Trump tweeted, "This is a terrible situation and Attorney General Jeff Sessions should put an end to this witch hunt. " Mr. Trump has done much more than Nixon to try to undermine public confidence in anything his attorneys could have.
Trump's allies among the Republican leaders of House of Representatives investigative committees have sought to undermine not only the work of the Special Council, but also key figures in the Department of Justice and F.B.I. Such things did not happen in Watergate.
Mr. Trump has other structural advantages over Nixon. Nixon's base almost melted in the face of evidence of guilt in a cover-up. Mr. Trump's base has not been proven yet, but it's bigger and more consistent than Nixon's. And Nixon was no more distant than Trump's propaganda organ on Fox News. (There was no cable TV at the time of Nixon).
Although both men showed hatred for the press, Mr. Trump went much further by encouraging violence against him. And, as far as we know, Mr. Trump is less likely than Nixon to use the levers of bureaucracy to punish his "enemies," but he may be catching up with him. For example, she seems to have decided to raise postal rates to hurt Amazon, whose owner, Jeff Bezos, also owns the Washington Post.
The big question is whether there will be a big difference between the two men in respect of the decisions of the law or the public. Nixon avoided challenging John F. Kennedy's narrow electoral victory in 1960, not out of magnanimity, but because he had concluded that he could not argue the charge of fraud. As we see, Mr. Trump does not need proof before accusing of electoral fraud.
When the Supreme Court ordered Nixon to hand over the White House tapes, he obeyed. And after the former Republicans went to the White House to tell him that he lacked political support to survive the presidency, Nixon realized he would have to resign. Almost impossible, it is almost impossible to imagine a similar scene about the current president and his timid party, Mr. Trump gave us reasons to ask whether he would submit legal conclusions against him or even a loss of reelection in 2020. That is, he is still in office then.
But instead of following the usual order, as Nixon did, President Trump chose as interim Attorney General a lackey who had been elected Chief of Staff of the Attorney General because of his televised appearances on television as a simple citizen in which he was reputed the position of the president in the investigation of the special advocate on the role of Russia in the elections of 2016. Among other things, he had barred the obsessive line of Mr. Trump, "He n ' there was no collusion ". It has been widely accepted that this man would terminate, one way or another, the investigation of the special advocate.
If, as some jurists contend, the election of Mr. Trump was unconstitutional, because the new Acting Attorney General was never confirmed by the Senate, or simply reckless, his election being obviously selfish, the differences in the way whose two presidents have come closer to getting rid of a disadvantage. Prosecutors are informed by their different origins.
Nixon, a member of the House of Representatives, senator and vice-president, was more receptive to the political order. Mr. Trump, with no government experience and little knowledge of how the federal government operates, has shown a free spirit, albeit malicious, less likely than Nixon even to look at the borders.
As president, Nixon tried to subjugate the constitutional and political systems to his will. He intervened in the process of the Democratic Party to elect his future opponent. And he challenged the separation of powers, unleashing the constitutional crisis that was the Watergate. But to the extent that Nixon went to fascism, Mr. Trump went further.
That's not to say that Nixon was a love or a gentleman in his efforts to save himself. But its origin as a creature of the establishment has inhibited its actions.
A systematic and critical difference between the situation of Nixon and Trump is that Nixon faced a Democratic Congress, while Trump enjoyed a control totally controlled by the Republicans. (This changes when the Democrats take control of the House in January). Under Trump, there was more and more reluctance to let leading figures testify before the congressional committees of what was under Nixon.
Each president tried to arouse public impatience at his perception of the persecution and therefore urged the investigators to hurry, but Trump gives Nixon the appearance of a kitten.
Nixon officials were inclined to say things like, "Enough to wallow in Watergate," when, say, in early August, Trump tweeted, "This is a terrible situation and Attorney General Jeff Sessions should put an end to this witch hunt. " Mr. Trump has done much more than Nixon to try to undermine public confidence in anything his attorneys could have.
Trump's allies among the Republican leaders of House of Representatives investigative committees have sought to undermine not only the work of the Special Council, but also key figures in the Department of Justice and F.B.I. Such things did not happen in Watergate.
Mr. Trump has other structural advantages over Nixon. Nixon's base almost melted in the face of evidence of guilt in a cover-up. Mr. Trump's base has not been proven yet, but it's bigger and more consistent than Nixon's. And Nixon was no more distant than Trump's propaganda organ on Fox News. (There was no cable TV at the time of Nixon).
Although both men showed hatred for the press, Mr. Trump went much further by encouraging violence against him. And, as far as we know, Mr. Trump is less likely than Nixon to use the levers of bureaucracy to punish his "enemies," but he may be catching up with him. For example, she seems to have decided to raise postal rates to hurt Amazon, whose owner, Jeff Bezos, also owns the Washington Post.
The big question is whether there will be a big difference between the two men in respect of the decisions of the law or the public. Nixon avoided challenging John F. Kennedy's narrow electoral victory in 1960, not out of magnanimity, but because he had concluded that he could not argue the charge of fraud. As we see, Mr. Trump does not need proof before accusing of electoral fraud.
When the Supreme Court ordered Nixon to hand over the White House tapes, he obeyed. And after the former Republicans went to the White House to tell him that he lacked political support to survive the presidency, Nixon realized he would have to resign. Almost impossible, it is almost impossible to imagine a similar scene about the current president and his timid party, Mr. Trump gave us reasons to ask whether he would submit legal conclusions against him or even a loss of reelection in 2020. That is, he is still in office then.
How Trump Is Worse Than Nixon
Reviewed by Musa Ali
on
20:35
Rating:
Reviewed by Musa Ali
on
20:35
Rating:
